I spent twenty-five years
working for America’s Environmental Protection Agency. I found myself in an
inferno of corruption -- right in the belly of the government.
Corruption came to EPA
directly from the industry and through the White House and Congress. But my
experience at EPA had its pleasures as well. Those included learning from my
constant readings, observations, and my discussions with some exceptional
colleagues. Yet I lived through the daily uncertainty of survival in a bureaucracy
increasingly becoming the other face of the “regulated” industry. I agonized in
vain how to stop corruption and pollution.
The EPA came into being in
December 1970. Despite the war politics of the 1970s, EPA tried to live up to
its mission: protecting human health and the natural world from factory and
agricultural poisons, especially keeping water, air, and food relatively safe.
However, industry intervened
and crippled the agency. For example, the owners of farm sprays have their
fingerprints all over EPA.
Agricultural sprays are
biocides, chemicals designed to kill all life. These poisons also contaminate
our food, drinking water and air. In fact, they are so pervasive in the
environment, that they poison mothers’ breast milk.
I observed EPA “regulating”
these toxins. I concluded early on that the machinery of exterminating insects
and wildlife with synthetic poisons is a concrete expression of ruthless
economic and political power. It follows that the panoply of pesticide
companies, science, scientists, government regulators and money serve only to
legitimize that immoral power.
And since the result of “pest
control” practices is impoverishing the natural world and is causing disease
and death among humans, we are witnessing and tolerating violence in the
management of agriculture, the chemical industry, government regulation, and
politics.
I am not the first to connect
pesticides to violence. As early as 1978, an outstanding professor of biology
at the University of California-Berkeley, Robert van den Bosch, equated the
pest control industry to “a pro-pesticide mafia.” In his book, “The Pesticide
Conspiracy,” he says this pro-pesticide mafia “owns politicians, bureaucrats,
researchers, county agents, administrators, and elements of the media, and it
can break those who don’t conform.”
Van den Bosch was right. The
global pest control industry makes quite a killing: more than $ 40 billion per
year. Some of this money lubricates the politicians and academics; they, in
turn, bring the government to their team.
The pesticides establishment
(chemical manufacturers, pesticide merchants, large farmers, timber companies,
academics and government regulators) labels the victims of pesticides
“non-targets.”
The “non-target” costs of spraying lethal poisons in the
environment are often high. In a cotton field, everything but the bugs feeding
on cotton is non-target: that includes farmers, farm workers, children, birds,
beneficial insects, other crops and wildlife.
David Coppage and Clayton Bushong, senior EPA ecologists,
studied the ecological damage of pesticides in the United States. In their
December 1983 draft report, “On the Value of Wild Biotic Resources of the
United States Affected by Pesticides,” they calculated the harm of farm poisons
to a limited number of land and water wild animals cost the people of this
country more than 1.25 trillion dollars per year in lost recreational,
commercial, personal food, and aesthetic values.
For example, in the 1950s and
1960s, spraying DDT to marshes and tidelands killed billions of fish and
aquatic invertebrates, including fish eating birds. DDT-like sprays like
dieldrin and heptachlor killed about 80 percent of songbirds, wiping out some
game birds while decimating wild mammals. Just the runoff of cotton
insecticides, said Coppage and Bushong, “caused staggering losses of fish.” It
boggles the mind to think of so massive a “potential” loss we put up with
yearly in complete indifference.
This ecological damage is a
consequence of a political culture that, increasingly, looks and sounds like
organized crime.
Some of my EPA colleagues got as angry as I was. They were
better diplomats than me, however.
For example, a few of them working out of Dallas, Texas,
reported on the ecological and human impacts of policies in Region 6 – a huge
area in South Central United States covering Texas, Louisiana, New Mexico,
Oklahoma and Arkansas. In their November 1990 “Region 6 Comparative Risk
Project: Overview Report,” they reached these conclusions:
“All ecological threats are ultimately threats to human
health. Man depends upon a predictable global ecology for air quality, water,
food, shelter, and medicines…. Although humans are one species among thousands,
they are the only species that can chemically and biologically alter the
planet. Human activity has changed the course of evolution through agricultural
and industrial technology; we must begin to understand that, ecologically,
humans have a responsibility to preserve the earth’s life if but to protect human
life. We have not demonstrated the knowledge, wisdom, or compassion to accept
this role.”
These gems of courage and wisdom inspired me to speak out
as well. Rather than being a “team player” and earn a high salary and awards, I
took the road rarely taken. I paid a high price for that decision.
I kept saying the environmental conditions in America are
deleterious to all life, including human life. EPA failed us but only because
our politicians are in bed with the industry. The medicine for EPA’s failure is
to demolish the corrupting power of the industry. Then let EPA scientists do
their work.
We need a new EPA designed to be immune to political
corruption.
Young American moms (and other young women all over the
world) should never have to discover poisons in their breast milk. But they do.
That alone is dangerous to the health of the mothers and newborn. Poisons in
mothers’ milk are also so offensive to human dignity that young women -- and
the rest of us -- ought to overthrow everything that makes their poisoning
possible.
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